Ukrainian revolt traced back to U.S. State Department

Fuck the EU! Exactly! Victoria Nuland & Geoffrey Pyatt

BiH: Government of Tuzla Canton, set on fire

Bosnia and Herzegovina Teach EU a Lesson in Democracy: “People know what they want!”

February 15, 2014 - Bosnia, Revolution News - Tagged: BiH, Bosnia, EU, government corruption,Herzegovina, human rights, plenum, Police Brutality, Police Corruption, police violence, protest, protesti,revolution news, Sarajevo, social justice, Tuzla, workers rights

http://revolution-news.com/bosnia-and-herzegovina-teach-eu-a-lesson-in-democracy-people-know-what-they-want/

People in Sarajevo, BiH, wait in rain for hours to be able to have their voices heard at the plenum, which asked for the cantonal government of Sarajevo to step down.

Amid calm euphoria, increased state repression, and mass-media lies, people in Bosnia and Herzegovina move from street protests to plenums, or public assemblies. Plenums are about taking back the power: political parties are banned from participating.

Meanwhile, the state of BiH has bought10,000 rubber bullets to use against the next uprising (one in 90 shot by rubber bullets is killed and 17 are mutilated).

J. ŠARČEVIĆ, SARAJEVO: “Radical changes need to be made for justice. What suffering it is for a man to see he cannot feed his children even if he wakes up every morning and works in the woods or a factory for some marks. This crisis was caused by most of these national businessmen, people who use the nation and religion so they can rule over others and thus keep the people of this country impoverished… ”

Avi Blecherman, our correspondent in BiH, interviews people of Sarajevo:

“The huge state machinery is reinforced by nationalism, corruption, nepotism and opportunism, and it will resist every kind of change, probably for some time,” as Nedzad Ibrahimovic one of the participants at the plenum in Tuzla said. This is one reason why political parties are banned from these people’s assemblies. The plenum in Tuzla has asked that general parliamentary and municipal elections be held as soon as possible, “to stop the political elites from regaining their lost popularity and criminal ties, and not to allow them to put the brakes on people’s liberties and push them in the opposite direction of their will.”

Totalitarian Paranoia in the Post-Orwellian Surveillance State

Totalitarian Paranoia in the Post-Orwellian Surveillance State

 

By Henry A. Giroux -   Truthout

 

Surveillance, in any land where it is ubiquitous and inescapable, generates distrust and divisions among its citizens, curbs their readiness to speak freely to each other, and diminishes their willingness to even dare to think freely. —Ariel Dorfman

 

The revelations of whistle-blowers such as Chelsea Manning, Jeremy Hammond and Edward Snowden about government lawlessness and corporate spying provide a new meaning if not a revitalized urgency and relevance to George Orwell’s dystopian fable 1984. Orwell offered his readers an image of the modern state that had become dystopian - one in which privacy as a civil virtue and a crucial right was no longer valued as a measure of the robust strength of a healthy and thriving democracy. Orwell was clear that the right to privacy had come under egregious assault. But the right to privacy pointed to something more sinister than the violation of individual rights. When ruthlessly transgressed, the issue of privacy became a moral and political principle by which to assess the nature, power and severity of an emerging totalitarian state. As important as Orwell’s warning was in shedding light on the horrors of mid-20th century totalitarianism and the endless regimes of state spying imposed on citizens, the text serves as a brilliant but limited metaphor for mapping the expansive trajectory of global surveillance and authoritarianism now characteristic of the first decades of the new millennium. As Marjorie Cohn has indicated, “Orwell never could have imagined that the National Security Agency (NSA) would amass metadata on billions of our phone calls and 200 million of our text messages every day. Orwell could not have foreseen that our government would read the content of our emails, file transfers, and live chats from the social media we use.”

Spain: democracy more fragile since Franco died

In Spain, Fired for Speaking Out

 

By PEDRO J. RAMÍREZ* - The New York Times

 

MADRID ­ FOUR decades ago, I interviewed the New York Times columnist Tom Wicker about the relationship between the government and the press. It was the Watergate era, and journalism appealed to me as a noble calling.

 

Mr. Wicker told me that conflict was all but inevitable between utive branches and newspapers that did their duty. He observed that where democracy was weak, newspapers that criticized the government would pay dearly for their audacity. “Careful with the Leviathan,” he said. He quoted John Adams: “The jaws of power are always open to devour, and her arm is always stretched out, if possible, to destroy the freedom of thinking, speaking and writing.”

 

The truth of that statement was confirmed for me last week, when I was fired as the editor of El Mundo, Spain’s second-largest newspaper, which I co-founded in 1989. The paper’s owner, Unidad Editorial, which is part of an Italian conglomerate, praised my tenure but denied buckling to political pressure. Sunday’s issue was my last.

 

My confrontation with the government began last year, when an ally of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy ­ his political party’s former treasurer, Luis Bárcenas, now jailed on charges of corruption and tax fraud ­ furnished documents showing illegal financing of the party over nearly two decades. We published an exposé, and turned over the documents to a judge investigating the case. We also published text messages of support that Mr. Rajoy had sent to Mr. Bárcenas.

 

Mr. Rajoy was livid. “El Mundo distorts and manipulates to produce slander,” he told the Senate on Aug. 1. Shortly after this, the party’s secretary general, María Dolores de Cospedal, said, “I don’t read El Mundo,” which was interpreted as a government-sanctioned boycott of the newspaper. High-level officials, unlike in the past, stayed away from an international journalism awards ceremony we had established in the memory of three reporters who had died in the line of duty. Some of Spain’s biggest companies, many of which are in sectors that are heavily regulated by the government, canceled their advertising. Barry Sussman, an editor who helped lead The Washington Post’s coverage of Watergate, wrote in our pages that we were dealing with the same situation: a combination of dirty money and efforts to intimidate the press.

 

This heavy-handed government, which has been mum about my dismissal, reminds me of 1974, when I interviewed Mr. Wicker. Gen. Francisco Franco was still in power, but Spain’s collective desire for freedom and democracy had taken on a life of its own. He died the next year, and the press was pivotal in the transition from dictatorship to democracy. Newspapers linked to the old regime had no credibility. Opportunities suddenly opened for journalists of my generation. In 1980, at age 28, I was named editor of the newspaper Diario 16. It was a crash course in journalism and democracy.

 

In just a few years we endured seemingly all of the nerve-racking situations that a new democracy could possibly experience. We categorically opposed attempts by Franco’s former generals to undermine the new government. We opposed the terrorism of Basque separatists ­ but also the death squads that Prime Minister Felipe González’s Socialist government assembled to fight the separatist group, known as ETA.

 

In 1988, after our investigative reporting linked the Spanish government to the death squads’ killings in the south of France, Mr. González intercepted me in a corridor at the Parliament and asked me to stop publishing “those terrible things.” I refused, and a few months later I was fired. The owner of the newspaper had succumbed to political pressure.

 

Dozens of journalists quit and joined me to found El Mundo, “a new newspaper for a new generation of readers.” It was a rapid success. We quickly occupied a center-right political space, with a strong base of readers among young urban professionals. We resumed our investigation into the death squads.

100 % true. He has always been quite "uncorfotable"for the Spanish governments. Right or left handed, it does not matter. Many times, he...

 

In the late 1990s, as a result of our exposés, Mr. González’s interior minister and his director of state security were convicted of kidnapping. A general in the Spanish military police was found guilty of murder.

 

Previous prime ministers, including José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, Mr. Rajoy’s Socialist predecessor, accepted press criticism. But everything changed when Mr. Rajoy, the leader of the conservative People’s Party, came to power. Though we had endorsed him on three occasions, once in power he exhibited hostility toward uncomfortable truths and indifference to public opinion.

 

As elsewhere, journalism in Spain has been under economic pressure. Newspaper advertising fell by two-thirds in six years, and print circulation by more than one-third. El Mundo is a leading newspaper online in Spain, with 7.2 million monthly unique users of its main website and 127,000 digital subscribers, but online revenues are not enough to balance the books. So the political pressure from the government, and its effect on advertising, came at a vulnerable moment.

 

Spain has been in serious trouble since the property bubble burst in 2008. Unemployment has been hovering around 25 percent, and the economy is barely out of recession. Mr. Rajoy’s governing party lacks internal democracy. The independence of the judiciary has been weakened. The monarchy has been tarnished by a spending scandal. Add in the attack on the press, and it seems clear to me that democracy might be more fragile now than at any point since Franco died in 1975. I plan to keep writing about it.

 

*Pedro J. Ramírez was the editor of El Mundo from its founding in 1989 until Saturday. This essay was translated by Kristina Cordero from the Spanish.

 

A version of this op-ed appears in print on February 6, 2014, on page A23 of the New York edition with the headline: In Spain, Fired for Speaking Out.

THE AMAZING Zionist-HITLER TRANSFER AGREEMENT

THE JEWISH CIVIL WAR

by Barry Chamish

                                                                           
    In the first month of '14, two events occurred that united the struggle within the Jewish people and explained the horror we have to live with, which is no less seminal to our history than the Roman decimation of Israel 2000 years ago.
    And no Jew uttered even a peep of understanding. And this ignorance will cost us mightily.
    First, a remarkable document was uncovered and its discovery led to incredible efforts to excuse its significance. For Hebrew readers (hoping it arrives to you in its initial form), it read:

בבי"ס שדה כפר עציון נערך מחקר העוסק ברכישת הקרקעות של חברת 'אל ההר' בגוש עציון בשנות ה-30.
לתדהמתם, התגלה מכתב של ש' גלזר, מנציגי החברה ובו הוא מבקש מהרייכסקנצלר, אדולף היטלר, למכור ליהודי גרמניה,קרקעות בפלשתינה ולאשר את הגירתם ארצה.
בתמורה לכך, התחייב גלזר, להעביר לחשבון בנק בגרמניה 100,000 לירות לרכישת תוצרת ייצוא מגרמניה לפלשתינה.
"הנני מרשה לעצמי, אדוני הרייכסקנצלר הנכבד" כותב גלזר במכתבו, "לשטוח בפניך את ההצעה הבאה של חברתי: אני מבקש את אישורך הנכבד לאפשר ולמכור אדמה ליהודים גרמנים, ומבקשך לאשר את הגירתם הבלתי-נמענת".
עוד הוסיף גלזר במכתב, כי "בתמורה נתבקשתי והוסמכתי להפקיד בשם החברה בבנק הגרמני סכום של עד 100,000 לירות פלשתינאיות לשם קניית תוצרת יצוא גרמנית לפלשתינה".
במכתב מציין גלזר כי הוא מתכנן להגיע לברלין ב-15 במאי ולהתחיל בפעילותו ומבקש מהיטלר להיפגש ולהכיר לו את פעילות החברה. עד כה, לא נמצא מסמך מגרמניה המביע נכונות להיפגש עם גלזר.
לדברי מנהל בי"ס שדה כפר עציון, ירון רוזנטל, "ההתיישבות בגוש עציון לאורך ההיסטוריה, מקפלת בתוכה רבדים רבים ומגוונים. אנו רואים שאנשיו של הולצמן (בעל חברת "אל ההר", גואל אדמות גוש עציון - יב"א), ניסו למצוא כל דרך יצירתית להברחת יהודים מגרמניה לפני המלחמה ולגאולת קרקעות בארץ ישראל

       For those unable to read it, trust my translation:

       An investigation of Jewish land purchases in the '30s by the To The Hill organization has been undertaken by the Kfar Etzion field school. To the great shock of the researchers, a letter from Shai Glaser, on the organization board, to Adolph Hitler was uncovered. It read: To The Honored Reichsfuhrer Adolph Hitler, my organization asks you to transfer German Jews to Palestine without interference. In exchange for transferring these export items, we have deposited 100,000 liras in the Bank of Germany. I' will be arriving in Germany on May 15 and hope to meet with you to confirm the purchase.

       The stunned researchers offered the usual deluded excuse: It was tough times and we had to use any strategy to save Jews from the Nazis. This baloney sweeps under the carpet that the Labor Zionists were working with our vicious enemies while concoting reasons to expel religious and right wing Jews from leadership in our unofficial parliament, the Jewish agency.

By 1934, the majority of German Jews got the message and turned to the only Jewish organization allowed by the Nazis, the Labour Zionists. For confirmation of the conspiracy between them and Hitler's thugs read The Transfer Agreement by Edwin Black, Perfidy by Ben Hecht or The Scared And The Doomed by Jacob Nurenberger. The deal cut worked like this. The German Jews would first be indoctrinated into Bolshevism in Labour Zionism camps and then, with British approval, transferred to Palestine. Most were there by the time the British issued the White Paper banning further Jewish immigration. The Labour Zionists got the Jews they wanted, and let the millions of religious Jews perish in Europe without any struggle for their survival.

      When the Holocaust ended, the Labor Zionists found a new ally in Israel, the British. They connived to round up opposition Jews and either have them uted by the British or sent to their camps in Africa. And this war of the Jews, which the descendants of the dead rarely acknowledge, continues unabated today. Here is a contemporary example of the Israeli authorities at war with the Jewish people:

Rabbi Hillel Reines, a resident of Yitzhar in Samaria, spoke to Arutz Sheva on Friday morning about his son-in-law Yehuda Landsberg, who was arrested at the beginning of the week over suspicions of involvement in "price tag" vandalism. Yehuda has not been seen since the arrest, and his family has not been allowed to see or talk with him. His father-in-law posits that he may be being held at the Shabak (Internal Security) headquarters near Petach Tikvah.

      Pushing the "debate" over price tag vandalism is the head of the Shabak during the Rabin murder, Carmi Gillon. He was in on the assassination with Israel's current president Shimon Peres. For the whole picture read my study,  Who Murdered Yitzhak Rabin:

http://www.lulu.com/content/640899

Quien Mato A Yitzhak Rabin

http://www.lulu.com/content/1732028

 Carmi Gillon criticizes authorities' handling of 'price tag' perpetrators, says any progress in peace talks will bring forth terrorist acts
Gillon, who was director of Shin Bet during the Rabin administration, said he believed the issue of the "price tag" acts "falls between the cracks, between police and the Shin Bet.""We can't let the 'price tag' issue disappear from our agenda. The political system and the police are helpless in the face of this very dangerous phenomenon."Gillon said that the fact that "price tag" vandals were not dubbed a terrorist group is an oversight of the Shin Bet, among other organizations. "We can catch them, but the question remains if we can try them," Gillon said, "When you call it a terrorist organization there is a lot more room for action."I think we don't act firmly enough against rabbis who practice incitement."Shortly after the Rabin assassination, Gillon commissioned an inquiry as to the security failure, as the government appointed an official committee, the Shamgar Commission, to investigate. During the commission's hearings Gillon resigned after he was deemed responsible for the security oversight.

     While in Shabak custody, alienated from everyone including his family, Reines received or was appointed a Shabak lawyer:

Attorney Itamar Ben-Gvir spoke of the assault and accusations of "price tag," arguing "people doing 'price tag' don't go in the middle of the day, don't go about without means of defense, and don't do it in a group."

      Ben Gvir's Shabak employment has been witnessed by thousands yet Reines and his compatriots allow him to infiltrate the settler movement unopposed:

Matar had enough righteousness to gather 2300 demonstrators to confront the army in Gush Katif (Gaza) before the withdrawal. What an embarassment that would have been were it not for Ben Gvir. He and his gang showed up and got the violence going with a sign visible in the nearby Arab town reading, "Muhammed Is A Pig." If you don't get the provocation, imagine a sign outside your door reading, "Jesus Is A Pig." Predictably the violence started, the army stepped in and to prevent the brutality from spreading, threw out all 2300 protesters, sending hundreds of teenage girls to detention camps for months.

      The Labor and its left wing allies have been thoroughly expunged from Israel's politics, gathering on its best day, perhaps 20% support. But it controls Israel's financial industry and its media. To cover up its vicious and murderous war against the religious and right wing Jews, it needs a vital ally. And inexplicably they have it: their victims.

end

***

See me:
Here's the link:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nZ_t5JhzBTo

  My latest book is The Stinger Not The Stung:
http://www.lulu.com/shop/barry-chamish/the-stinger-not-the-stung-israels-not-so-civil-war/paperback/product-20554733.html?showPreview=true

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Bye Bye Gaza
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Barry Chamish
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My Rabin lecture in Hebrew: Some people, I'm told, had to copy and paste this to open it:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wOYpkCP1WNM

My radio show is found at:

www.libertyarchives.com